The Role of Monetary Policy in the Current Macroeconomic Environment
William Poole*
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Prepared for Panel on Promoting Economic Growth: What Monetary
Policy Can And Cannot Do
National Association For Business Economics 43rd Annual Meeting
New York City
Sept. 10, 2001
* I appreciate comments provided by my colleagues at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Robert Rasche, Director of Research,
and Kevin Kliesen, Economist in the Research Division, were especially
helpful. I take full responsibility for errors. The views expressed
are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions of the
Federal Reserve System.
In taking up the topic of this panel discussion Promoting
Economic Growth: What Monetary Policy Can and Cannot Do I'm
tempted to refer you to Milton Friedman's 1967 Presidential address
to the American Economic Association, "The Role of Monetary
Policy," and then sit down. But I won't. What I will do is
organize my remarks around some of the ideas noted in Friedman's
famous lecture.
Friedman's lecture is directly relevant to today's situation because
the economy is suffering from a real disturbance in the form of
sharp decline in demand for high-tech equipment. To what extent
can monetary policy deal with this real disturbance? What are the
opportunities and what are the dangers?
Before proceeding, I want to emphasize that the views I express
are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions of the
Federal Reserve System. I thank my colleagues at the Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis for their comments, especially Robert Rasche,
Director of Research and Kevin Kliesen, Economist in the Research
Division. I retain full responsibility for errors.
Real and Nominal Variables
In his presidential address, Friedman emphasized that monetary
policy ultimately only affects nominal variables, such as nominal
interest rates and the price level. The effects may be seen in both
level form and rates of change. Consequently, the central bank cannot
expect to be successful in targeting any real variable. The effects
on real variables, such as real GDP growth and the unemployment
rate, are transitory in nature and not very predictable.
The way I've stated this proposition is not quite right, because
there is ample evidence to support the view that the monetary instability
damages economic efficiency and thereby reduces economic growth.
The converse of this observation is that monetary stability promotes
higher real growth. Moreover, timely policy actions can help to
stabilize real activity-that is, reduce the variance of real growth.
Friedman was very skeptical that activist policy could be systematically
successful; he argued, often and eloquently, that the best we are
likely to be able to do is to adopt steady money growth as the policy
rule. I believe that we have evidence from U.S. monetary policy
since 1982 that it is possible to adjust policy in a stabilizing
way. However, I'll simply assert and not argue that point here.
My framework is this. First and foremost, the central bank must
maintain a commitment to low and stable inflation. If the central
bank does not achieve that goal, no one else can. If inflation comes
unstuck, all sorts of other problems will arise. Second, within
the confines of the goal of low inflation, the central bank has
some flexibility to lean against fluctuations in output and employment.
However, the central bank ought not to pursue the goal of stabilizing
economic activity so aggressively that it runs any substantial risk
of compromising the goal of low inflation.
Finally, in leaning against fluctuations in growth and employment,
the central bank ought not to have goals for levels of the economy's
growth and unemployment rates per se. Within a wide range, we don't
know what the economy's equilibrium rate of growth is, and what
rate of unemployment will clear the labor market in the long run.
We run the biggest risks of a major monetary policy mistake if we
attempt to target the levels of real variables.
The Tech Tumble
Growth in the aggregate economy has slowed to a crawl this year,
but the composition of demand has been uneven. Residential structures
investment has been pretty strong; consumption growth, though lower
than last year, has held up O.K. The tech sector has taken a real
tumble.
The allocation of production across various goods is not something
the Federal Reserve can control. A couple of years ago, when many
farmers in the St. Louis Fed district were suffering from drought,
I often heard pleas that the Fed should help agriculture by lowering
interest rates. My answer was always, "the Fed cannot make
the rain fall." Today, with all the excess telecom capacity,
I offer the same sort of reply: the Fed cannot make college kids
call home more often.
The economy is working through a period of excess production capacity
in information technology and related equipment. Some of the adjustment
will take care of itself as demand recovers from temporary weakness.
I do not mean to minimize the problem by using the word "temporary."
The decline in demand has been large and has been ongoing for about
a year now. We have no guarantee that demand will rebound quickly
next quarter or the one after. Still, in time, investment in high-tech
equipment will recover in the normal course of events.
Besides this cyclical adjustment, however, there may be some longer-run
adjustments that will eliminate certain firms. We don't know what
business models will work in the Internet world, and with any new
technology it takes a while to figure out what models yield reliable
earnings over time. The Fed has no way to address the problems of
this or any other specific sector of the economy.
What the Fed can do, at least to some extent, is prevent problems
in specific sectors from becoming general problems. That is exactly
how to view monetary policy this year. Tech investment is down,
but housing investment and consumption have been maintained pretty
well. Declining interest rates have certainly assisted in supporting
aggregate demand.
Cushioning the effects of the tech tumble on other sectors is no
mean accomplishment. So far, things have gone reasonably well considering
the magnitude of the disturbance. This point is an important one.
Given that monetary policy cannot determine the sectoral composition
of output, success must be measured not by the speed and extent
of revival in high-tech manufacturing but by the performance of
the aggregate economy. No one knows for certain whether the eocnomy
can escape an actual decline in real GDP, but the fact that we have
done so to date and that many adjustments are now well along suggests
that we have an excellent chance of doing so. And I say these things
despite the dismal employment report last Friday.
Dealing with Uncertainty
If the economic boiler has a hole, with weak tech investment draining
away steam pressure, it seems logical to turn up the fire to keep
the pressure high enough that the economic locomotive wheels keep
turning. But how much should we turn up the fire? Is the tech hole
in the boiler growing, or healing itself?
How should policymakers cope with this uncertainty? One of Friedman's
important points -that knowledge of how monetary policy affects
the real economy is incomplete -requires the Fed to be cautious
in responding to current developments. In a 1968 statement that
rings as true today as it did then, Friedman said: "We simply
do not know enough to be able to recognize minor disturbances when
they occur or to be able to predict either what their effects will
be with any precision or what monetary policy is required to offset
their effects. . . Experience suggests that the path of wisdom is
to use monetary policy explicitly to offset other disturbances only
when they offer a 'clear and present danger.' "
A great source of strength in our current situation is that the
market, as best I can tell, holds rock-solid expectations that the
trend rate of inflation will remain low, in the neighborhood of
where it has been in recent years. It seems unlikely that economic
behavior today and in the near future will be driven by expectations
of rising inflation. Still, that fact does not mean that inflation
cannot rise. Moreover, inflation could-I am not forecasting that
it will-creep up even though demand is not rising vigorously. For
example, we've seen substantial wage increases in the airline industry;
if airlines are to be profitable over time they will have to recover
those costs through some combination of productivity gains and price
increases, even though travel demand is not currently strong.
The Fed monitors the economy very carefully. The Beige Book process
is a valuable supplement to the formal statistical information we
follow. Watching current data, and gathering anecdotal information,
helps us to identify changes in economic conditions in timely fashion.
Nevertheless, my own conviction is that we should not rely too much
on current observations on the state of the economy-both activity
and inflation-but watch carefully direct measures of the thrust
of monetary policy itself. We have ample evidence from history that
the effects of monetary policy actions are stretched out over time,
and that those effects are not easy to predict from current price
and production data. I believe that there is information in the
monetary aggregates on the thrust of monetary policy and that we
ignore that information at our peril.
The Market as Ally
Economic policy of all sorts works better when it harnesses market
forces, rather than fights with them. Monetary policy is no exception.
In fact, because monetary policy works through the financial markets
and because these markets are forward-looking, market anticipations
of policy actions play a significant role in the effectiveness of
monetary policy. When discussing what monetary policy can and cannot
do, the issue of improving the predictability of policy is of great
importance. One way to see this point is to imagine that we have
already identified a policy rule that is effective in achieving
policy goals and highly predictable. Now imagine degrading that
policy by adding a purely random component to it. Doing so not only
would induce inappropriate policy settings but also would provoke
inappropriate market responses because the market would have a more
difficult time figuring out the direction of policy. Working to
reduce the component of policy that appears to the market to be
random and unpredictable will, therefore, pay significant dividends.
If the markets are confident that the central bank will take appropriate
action, the timing of that action is not critically important. Bond
yields began to fall last year long before the Fed first cut the
intended federal funds rate in early January this year. The benefits
of last year's declines in long rates in supporting this year's
housing and consumer durables expenditures are clear.
For the bond market to contribute importantly to economic stabilization,
as I believe it does, Federal Reserve policy must be predictable.
Milton Friedman thought that predictability required steady growth
in monetary aggregates, but clearly the current system has also
proven to be highly predictable. I do not mean to imply that short-term
interest rates can be predicted long in advance, for rates should
and do respond to events that cannot themselves be predicted. But
if the Fed's policy actions in response to events is highly predictable,
then the market can respond efficiently to those same events. Further,
to the extent that the market can predict certain events better
than the Fed can, interest rates will change sooner than the Fed
could change them.
Our understanding of this process is incomplete, but I think we've
made a lot of progress in recent years. One of the important things
that the Federal Reserve can do is to continue to improve the flow
of information about what it is doing and why. The Fed took a highly
productive step in February 1994 when it began releasing its policy
decision promptly at the conclusion of each FOMC meeting. The St.
Louis Fed is devoting its October research conference to the issue
of Fed transparency, and I'm hopeful that continuing research on
this topic will shed new light on how the Fed can improve its communication
with the market.
Summary
To summarize my argument, monetary policy is above all responsible
for the economy's trend rate of inflation. That is every central
bank's central responsibility.
Success in keeping the rate of inflation low and stable yields
many dividends. One is that market expectations of inflation remain
low and change little over time. That environment provides maximum
scope for the central bank to adjust policy to cushion real disturbances-to
reduce the variance of real growth and employment. However, it is
dangerous for policy to attempt to hit real targets; we know that
in the long run, monetary policy determines nominal and not real
magnitudes.
In today's economy, we do not know where the unemployment rate
will settle after the economy's growth resumes, nor do we know what
that growth rate will turn out to be. I am an optimist on long-run
growth, but know that uncertainty over the rate is considerable.
For that reason, setting monetary policy to achieve a particular
rate of growth is hazardous.
Finally, we should not underestimate the importance of the markets
in contributing to economic stabilization. The market is inherently
monetary policy's friend, and we should do everything possible to
improve market understanding of the course of policy.
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